Consolidating power definition
The political system under Putin features some elements of economic liberalism, a lack of transparency in governance, cronyism, nepotism and pervasive corruption, which assumed in Putin's Russia "a systemic and institutionalized form", according to a report by Boris Nemtsov, as well as according to other sources.In former Ambassador Michael Mc Faul's opinion (June 2004), Russia’s "impressive" short-term economic growth "came simultaneously with the destruction of free media, threats to civil society and an unmitigated corruption of justice". economist Richard Rahn (September 2007) called Putinism "a Russian nationalistic authoritarian form of government that pretends to be a free market democracy", and which "owes more of its lineage to fascism than communism"; noting that "Putinism depended on the Russian economy growing rapidly enough that most people had rising standards of living and, in exchange, were willing to put up with the existing soft repression".
Word of the Day natureall the animals, plants, rocks, etc.Because "Everything depends on us, and us alone, on our ability to recognise the scale of the threat, to unite and apply ourselves to lengthy and hard work." As stated in the history course by Russian Doctors of History Barsenkov and Vdovin, the basic ideas of the article were represented in the election platform of Vladimir Putin and supported by the majority of country's citizens, leading to the victory of Vladimir Putin in the first round of the 2000 election, with 52 per cent of the votes cast.The outline of Russia's foreign policy was presented by Vladimir Putin in his Address to Russia's Federal Assembly in April 2002: "We are building constructive, normal relations with all the world's nations—I want to emphasise, with all the world's nations.A multiparty political system exists in Russia, while several parties, most of them representing the opposition, have seats in the State Duma." Cassiday and Johnson argue that since taking power in 1999, "Putin has inspired expressions of adulation the likes of which Russia has not seen since the days of Stalin.Tributes to his achievements and personal attributes have flooded every possible media." Ross says the cult emerged quickly by 2002 and emphasizes Putin's "iron will, health, youth and decisiveness, tempered by popular support." Ross concludes, "The development of a Putin mini cult of personality was based on a formidable personality at its heart." The day before, a program article signed by Putin "Russia at the turn of the millennium" was published on the government web site.Russia needs strong state power and must have it." Detailing on his view Putin emphasized: "Strong state power in Russia is a democratic, law-based, workable federal state." Regarding the economic problems, Putin pointed out the need to significantly improve economic efficiency, the need of carrying out the coherent and result-based social policy aimed to battle the poverty and the need to provide the stable growth of people's well-being.
The article stated the importance of government support of science, education, culture, health care, since "A country in which the people are not healthy physically and psychologically, are poorly educated and illiterate, will never rise to the peaks of world civilisation." The article concluded with an alarmist statement that Russia was in the midst of one of the most difficult periods in its history: "For the first time in the past 200–300 years, it is facing the real threat of slipping down to the second, and possibly even third, rank of world states." To avoid that, there's a need of tremendous effort of all the intellectual, physical and moral forces of the nation.
In his May 2006 annual speech, Putin proposed increasing maternity benefits and prenatal care for women.
Putin was strident about the need to reform the judiciary considering the present federal judiciary "Sovietesque", wherein many of the judges hand down the same verdicts as they would under the old Soviet judiciary structure, and preferring instead a judiciary that interpreted and implemented the code to the current situation.
"Not personally Yeltsin, but the whole elite wished to stop the revolutionary process and consolidate the power." When silovik Vladimir Putin was appointed Prime Minister in 1999, the process boosted.
According to Olga, "Yes, Putin has brought siloviks with him. Here's also an objective aspect: the whole political class wished them to come. There was a need of a strong arm, capable from point of view of the elite to establish order in the country." Kryshtanovskaya noted that there were also people who had worked in structures believed to be "affiliated" with the KGB/FSB, such as the Soviet Union Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Governmental Communications Commission, Ministry of Foreign Trade, Press Agency News and others; the work per se in such agencies would not necessarily involve contacts with security services, but would make it likely." According to Russian Public Opinion Foundation 2005 investigation, 34% of respondents think "there is a lack of democracy in Russia because democratic rights and freedoms are not observed", and also point on the lack of law and order.
In November 2007, Simon Tisdall of The Guardian pointed out that "just as Russia once exported Marxist revolution, it may now be creating an international market for Putinism", as "more often than not, instinctively undemocratic, oligarchic and corrupt national elites find that an appearance of democracy, with parliamentary trappings and a pretense of pluralism, is much more attractive, and manageable, than the real thing". Russian historian Andranik Migranyan saw the Putin regime as restoring what he viewed as the natural functions of a government after period of the 1990s, when oligopolies expressing only their own narrow interests allegedly ruled Russia.